ROMAN CURIA (text). Breviarium Romanum. [at colophon:] Explicit breviarium secundum morem romane curie: exactum impe[n]sa caractere iucu[n]dissimo optimor[um] Johannes de Colonia Nicolai Jenson socioru[m]que: qui summa[m] cura[m] adhibuere: ut suave quoque sine vitio lauteque sit elaborate[m]: Impressum Venetiis Anno salutis Mcccclxxxi, die 28 Septe[m]bri. (Venice: [Andrea Torresani for] Johannes de Colonia, Nicolaus Jenson et Socii, 28 September 1481). Chancery octavo (150x99 mm), early 19th century morocco (a bit worn), gilt edges, custom chemise and slipcase, ff. 461 (of 468, missing the blank leaves). Printed on vellum in red and black, 2 columns, 38 lines, Gothic types 2:58G and 24:58G. FOUR FULL-PAGE ILLUMINATED FLORAL BORDERS WITH PAINTED ARMORIALS, PARTIAL ILLUMINATED FLORAL BORDERS, LARGE AND MEDIUM ILLUMINATED INITIALS, SMALLER PEN-FLOURISHED INITIALS IN RED AND BLUE INK. EXTREMELY RARE ILLUMINATED BREVIARY ON VELLUM PRINTED BY ALDUS’S FATHER-IN-LAW FOR NICOLAS JENSON AND UNKNOWN TO RENOUARD, WHO QUOTES ANOTHER EDITION ISSUED ON THE FOLLOWING YEAR. This Breviary possibly represents the best Venice production in Gothic type, being the result of an association among the two giants of Venetian printing before Manuzio’s apparition: Andrea Torresani and Nicolaus Jenson, for whom the future Aldus’s father-in-law printed this bicolored masterpiece in the "iucundissimus" type 2:58G, possibly with the supervision of Jenson himself. Although Johannes the Colonia was dead in the previous year 1480, the fact that the company of the two German printers in Venice was the buyer of the edition is clearly stated in the colophon by Andrea, who decides to remain anonymous: «Here ends the breviary […] printed with a very joyful type at the expense of the very noble Johann from Colonia and Nicolas Jenson, and their partners». ("Explicit breviarium […] exactum impensa caractere iucundissimo optimorum Johannes de Colonia Nicolai Jenson sociorumque"). It is less clear if the “very joyful type” was directly provided or lent by Jenson, because the position in the phrase is ambiguous. It is also possible that Andrea had bought this set by the German colleague, because he uses it also in the edition of the following year, printed for other Venetian printers. Whatever it is, the truth of the text is that Andrea Torresani wants to underline the fact that this type, although gothic, is a feast for the eyes and in fact it is and very legible and not at all tiring when compared to contemporary editions printed in gothic types. This imprint remained unknown to many bibliographers of the past times including Hain and Renouard, who quotes the even rare breviary reprinted by Andrea on the 24 October of the following year (cf. Ren. 283.2) sharing the expense with Bartolomeo de Blavis and Maffeo de Paterbonis. ISTC ib01122050 erroneously indicates this second edition still printed for Jenson, when the names of the German printer doesn’t appear at colophon, and the Latin text leaves no doubt about the property of the edition: "[…] exactum impensa caractere iucundissimo optimorum Bartholomaei de Alexandria, Andree de Asula Maphei de Salodio" ([…] printed with a very joyful type at the expense of Bartolomeo from Alessandria, Andrea d’Asola and Maffeo from Salò»). Both edition are of absolute rarity. According to ISTC census, there are only 2 complete copies on vellum of the 1481 edition: the Vatican copy and this former Rosenberg copy, being a third known copy on vellum imperfect (Vienna National Library). ISTC locates also 3 complete copies on paper (Erzbistum of Vienna, University of Basel, and the imperfect copy in the Baltimore Walters Art Museum Library). The 1482 edition, who bears some differences in registers of some single parts, is apparently survived in one imperfect copy on paper, preserved in Munich BSB. CONTENT: 1. Kalendarium, ff. 8. Signature: [a⁸].  2. Rubrica generalis nova. Signature: ff. 4 [a4].  3. Psalterium, ff. 60. Signature: a–f⁸g¹².  4. Proprium de Tempore, ff. 176. Signature: A–Y⁸ .  5. Proprium de Sanctis, ff. 144. Signature: AA–SS⁸ .  6. Commune sanctorum, ff. 40. Signature: aa–ee⁸.  7. Officia annexa, ff. 36. Signature: aaa–ccc⁸ddd4eee⁸ .  This copy is bound in a different order than the GW copy or the register: Kalendarium, Proprium de Tempore, Psalterium, Proprium de Sanctis, Commune Sanctorum, Officia annexa, Rubrica, remaining part of Officia Annexa.

Sachgebiete: Illustrierte Bücher, Inkunabeln, Miniaturbücher

95000,- EUR



ECK, PAUL. Tabula minutionu[m]. farmacoru[m] nec no[n] ve[n]tosat[i]on[n]u[m] Pauli Ecke[n] de Sulczbach practicata i[n] studio Lypse[n]si. Annus Domini rc Octogesimusnonus Primus Post bissextilem[m] Embolismalis est. Pꝛo quo Aureus numerus .viij. Littera dominicalis .D [«Chart of bloodlettings, medications and cupping therapies, practiced in his Leipzig medical office by Paul Eck from Sulzbach. In the year of the Lord 1489, the first after the year bissextile that is an embolismic year. For which the Golden Number is 8, the Littera Dominicalis the D»] [No typographical notes but: Nuremberg, Georg Stuchs, end of 1488-beginning of 1489]. Broadsheet (315x200 mm), preserved in a blue morocco box. Printed in red and black. Text in Latin, Gothic types 3:68G, 4:132G, 7:108G. Top title in 5 lines and text in 7 columns of 44 lines. EXCESSIVELY RARE MEDICAL CHART AND ALMANAC FOR THE YEAR 1489 INDICATING THE FAVORABLE DAYS TO RECEIVE THE THREE MAIN TREATMENTS OF MIDDLE AGES’ MEDICINE IN THE LEIPZIG OFFICE OF DOCTOR ECK. Upper half (but only part known) of this German almanac by Paulus Eck from Sulzbach, known as doctor, astrologer and alchemist, containing the treatments practiced in his medical office of Leipzin: bloodletting, administration of drugs and cupping therapy. Minutio or minutio sanguinis is the bloodletting, generally generally practiced with the help of leeches or by making incisions in the veins of the arms or legs; farmaca was the the administration of medications, namely laxatives and purgatives; and ventosatio was the cupping therapy used for a wide array of medical conditions including fevers, chronic low back pain, poor appetite, indigestion, high blood pressure, acne, atopic dermatitis, psoriasis, anemia, stroke rehabilitation, nasal congestion, infertility, and menstrual period cramping. The Chart is divided in two parts: in the right side, printed in four columns, the Calendar of the year 1489 containing the feasts of the saints; and the left part, printed in three columns, the favorable time for the therapies. Karl Sudhoff accurately described this printing (Laßtafelkunst, 259): «The sheet itself is printed [by Friedrich Creussner, according to Sudhoff himself] in seven columns; the four columns to the right bring our daily calendar, which we have here meet for the third time; the first three columns (left) bring moon phases, bloodletting, cupping and laxation times compiled under the individual months […] Sometimes the temperaments are also mentioned: Feria s[e]c[un]da pe[n]thecostes bona p[ro] mela[n]cholicis («Whit Monday is good for melancholic men»)». The tradition of “favorable days” has ancient roots: the Talmud recommended a specific day of the week and days of the month for bloodletting, and similar rules, though less codified, can be found among Christian writings advising which saints’ days were favorable for bloodletting. During medieval times bleeding charts were common, showing specific bleeding sites on the body in alignment with the planets and zodiacs. Islamic medical authors also advised bloodletting, particularly for fevers. It was practiced according to seasons and certain phases of the Moon in the lunar calendar. The practice was probably passed by the Greeks with the translation of ancient texts to Arabic and is different than bloodletting by cupping mentioned in the traditions of Muhammad. When Muslim theories became known in the Latin-speaking countries of Europe, bloodletting became more widespread. Together with cautery, it was central to Arabic surgery; the key texts Kitab al-Qanun and especially Al-Tasrif li-man ‘ajaza ‘an al-ta’lif both recommended it. It was also known in Ayurvedic medicine, described in the Susruta Samhita. Robin Barnes elaborated on the subject of medical Almanacs in German culture in his scholarly essay Astrology and Reformation (2016): «The derivation of the term “almanac” is uncertain, but most likely went back to the Arabic al manach, literally a counting or reckoning. Most of the earliest printed broadsheet almanacs were not really calendars as we tend to think of them. While they did typically begin by giving data for the coming year such as the date of Easter, the golden number (indicating the year’s place in the nineteen-year lunar cycle), the dominical letter (a letter from A through G determined by the first Sunday of the new year), and the solar number (denoting the year’s place in a calendrical period of twenty-eight years), they did not place each day in an ordered series. Rather, they were essentially lunar tables, indicating the times of new and full moons throughout the coming year. The central concern was to determine the best times for phlebotomy, or therapeutic bleeding, but the potential uses for the data supplied were much more varied. Almost always the days and times of expected eclipses for the coming year were indicated; these general harbingers of bad fortune also brought dangerous times for any medical treatment or bathing. Since their timing varied according to location, each calendar edition was reckoned for a particular city or region […]. The earliest surviving printed astrological calendar came from Gutenberg’s press at Mainz around 1457; it was probably intended to aid lay stargazers in reckoning horoscopes. We also have a German phlebotomy calendar for 1462, produced by Ulrich Han at Vienna. But only after 1470 did the printed broadsheet from emerge in force». Barnes also investigates the market of calendars and the competition among the doctors-astrologers who published annual medical forecasts: «[…] That the market witnessed early and open competition is clear from a public row that erupted in 1489 between the Leipzig professor Wenzel Faber, whose annual forecasts were a hot commodity in the Saxon towns, and another figure who had begun publishing practicas in the city, Paul Eck. Some years earlier, Faber had already publicly criticized the predictions of his colleague Martin Pollich, now he had come to regard the outsider Eck as an especially unwelcome upstart and threat. The two writers denounced one another in a series of printed broadsides that traded accusations of greed, dishonor, and incompetence. The university faculty predictably sided with its own, and helped Faber fight off Eck’s challenge to his local monopoly. This stargazers’ spat was the first significant publicity battle ever carried on in print; it would not be long before such disputes were regular features of life among authors and publishers. Eck’s challenge was in fact testimony to Faber’s role in the popularizations of early calendars and practicas; indeed Faber’s published calculations for Leipzig were becoming models for other writers». Barnes points out that the authors of these almanacs were not mystifiers who claimed to be custodians of an occult knowledge, but doctors and humanists who followed in good faith the ancient prescriptions of natural medicine: «It would be seriously misleading to see most publicists of stellar science as contributing to the spread of occultism, an atmosphere of mystification, or a sense of public exclusion from a realm of high secrets […]. On the contrary, recent scholarship has found a significant realm of public awareness and discourse emerging at the end of Middle Ages in connection with the circulation of astrological predictions and prophetic expectancy. Gert Mentgen argues that the sorts of astrological materials were directed not to close circles of any sort but to the broadest possible audience. This perspective agrees with all we know about the contents and marketing of annual ephemera, including the sort of public battling over competence, reputation and market share that broke out between Eck and Faber in 1489. «The vast majority of these authors were anything but wild-eyed wizards probing forbidden secrets; they were professors, physicians, and humanists whose goals included the broad dissemination of a useful natural understanding […]. They remained on the whole remarkably uninfluenced by the Renaissance Neoplatonism and Hermeticism, by the lure of hidden knowledge, or by the temptation to experiment with astral magic of the sort described in the notorious Arabic text Picatrix […] They were essentially publicists of a practical science rather than adept of a secret art». PAUL ECK VON SULZBACH (ca. 1440-ca. 1509) was a German physician, alchemist and astrologer. In 1479 he was enrolled at the University of Leipzig. He published astrological and medical almanacs in Leipzig, Nuremberg and other towns (moon tables 1486 to 1489), and also wrote horoscopes for Nuremberg citizens. He also stayed in Nuremberg and, in the last period of his life, in Heidelberg. In his work Clavis philosophorum of 1489 he was one of the first to observe that combustion (in his case of mercury) leads to an increase in mass and that the bound substance (oxygen) escapes again during distillation. The absorbed or escaping substance (spirit) was called by him spiritus unitur corpori. He also precipitated silver from a solution with mercury. His writings were included in the Theatrum Chemicum collection in the 17th century. As an alchemist he was influenced by pseudo-givers (mercury doctrine when converting metals). Paul Eck was greatly active in 1488-1489: in this period, his almanac was printed by Georg Stuchs also in German language with the same types (GW 9232, only one imperfect copy known, located at SB Berlin) and the present Latin version was reprinted by another Nuremberg printer, Friedrich Creussner (GW 9233, 2 copies known, one in the Copenhagen RL and the other in München, in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek). He also wrote a Praesagium astrologicum pro anno 1489, published in Basel presumably by Michael Furter (GW 0923610N, 1 copy known preserved at Jagiellonian Library of Krakow), and a response to Faber’s invective Antwort auf eine Invektive des Wenzel Faber gegen Conrad Kachelofen printed by Kachelofen himself in Leipzig (GW 9237, the only known copy, formerly at Sondershausen LB, is nowadays lost).

Sachgebiete: Almanache, Astrologie, Deutschland, Inkunabeln, Medizin

16000,- EUR



TRUTVETTER, JUSTUS. Veteris artis: id est Porphirii universaliu[m]: et predicame[n]toru[m] Aristotelis: Perihermeniasq[ue] Expositio tam brevis q[ua]m utilis. [with:] MATERNUS PISTORIENSIS. Hexastichon. [Erfurt, Wolfgang Schenk, ca. 1500]. 4to (210x144 mm), 18th century cartonato alla rustica, ff. [48]. Gothic type, 45 lines. FIRST AND SOLE EDITION OF THIS VERY RARE TEXTBOOK ON “OLD LOGIC” WRITTEN BY BY THE TEACHER OF LUTHER IN ERFURT AND WITTENBERG. The ars vetus or logica vetus («old logic») is the corpus of Aristotelian logic that survived in the Latin West after the fall of the Roman empire. It contrasts with the logica nove («new logic»), the work of Aristotle that was recovered in the 12th century. The old logic consisted of the “Categories” (known to medieval writers as the Latin term praedicamenta), the “Perihermenias” (also known as De Interpretatione) and the “Isagoge” of Porphyry. At title-page of this edition, it is printed an Hexastichon (a small poem of six verse) by another teachet at Erfurt, Maternus Pistorius (or Pistoriensis) addressed to the young students. Martin Luther certainly studied on this logic textbook in the rich conventual library of Erfurt, where he «passed his happiest hours» (Audin) reading several precious Latin Bibles printed in Mayence and Cologne and purchased at heavy cost by the monastery. Audin: «In the register of the University we find, under the year 1501, the name of Luther, there written by the rector, Jodocus Truttvetter —Martinus Ludher ex Mansfield. In 1502 the name appears Martinus Luder, Baccalaureus philosophiae. Luther’s instructor’s in Erfurt were Jodocus Truttvetter, whose death he afterwards accused himself of having hastened, by his rebellion against scholastic theology; Jerome Emser, Gerard Ecker, Bartholomew Usinger, John Grevenstein and John Bigand».

Sachgebiete: Inkunabeln, Philosophie, Reformation

12000,- EUR



[CANON LAW] ROMAN CURIA. Casus papales, episcopales et abbatiales. [Rome: Bartholomaeus Guldinbeck, c. 1482-1488]. 4to, modern boards covered with a rubricated German incunable leaf, flat spine titled in ink, ff. [4]. Text in Latin, Gothic type 4:86G., 35 lines. Signature: a4. Rubricated throughout with a nice manuscript title on f. 1r. EXTREMELY RARE IMPRINT OF THIS COLLECTION OF CANON LAW, ARTICULATING THE SIGNIFICANT CRIMES THAT ONLY POPES, BISHOPS AND ABBOTS ARE TO ADJUDICATE AND PUNISH. Popes, for instance, are responsible for cases involving the burning of churches, forging papal documents, assaulting clerics and church officials, bribing inquisitors, giving aid to pirates, permitting bigamy, and much more. Bishops, in turn, are to weigh in on cases related to the seduction of nuns or monks (unless said seduction takes place in a consecrated place, in which case the pope should take over), abuse of the Eucharist, murdering one’s spouse, the selling or buying of clerical offices, summoning demons for malicious purposes, and more. Those crimes over which abbots have jurisdiction include violations in the proper recruitment, enlistment, and behavior of monks. The respective sections detailing papal, episcopal, and abbatial responsibilities are set out in rubricated letters (words written in red), while each individual “case” or crime is set off by rubricated paraph marks.

Sachgebiete: Inkunabeln, Jura

9500,- EUR



LACTANTIUS, LUCIUS COELIUS FIRMIANUS. Opera. [WITH:] ONORIO VENANZIO. De Resurrectione Christi carmen. Venice: Teodoro Ragazzoni da Asola, 21 April 1390 [i. e. 1490]. 2° (311 x 212 mm), later stiff vellum, ff. [148]. Text in Latin (some words in Greek), Roman and Greek types, 45 lines. A LATER ILLUMINATED LEAF WITH A LARGE INITIAL M REPRESENTING A MONK AND A DELICATE FLORAL BORDER WITH A TONDO CONTAINING AN ANGEL. ENTIRELY RUBRICATED IN IN RED AND BLUE. ILLUMINATED SECOND VENETIAN EDITION OF «DIVINE INSTITUTES»: THE FIRST SYSTEMATIZATION OF THE CHRISTIAN THOUGHT AND ITS CLOSE CONNECTION WITH HERMETIC PHILOSOPHY. Lactantius, who was advisor to Emperor Constantine I, was deeply influenced by Hermes. This influence was decisive for subsequent history of Christian theology, since, at the council of Nicaea (325 CE) which debated the nature of the Son of God (whether he was “begotten” or “created”, as the Aryans claimed), the Hermetic doctrine prevailed, which he advocated the consubstantiality of the first two Persons of the Trinity. Generally, in Lactantius’s thought there is a close connection between Christian thought and Hermes Trismegistos. In his Divine Institutes, LACTANTIUS CONSIDERS HERMETIC RELIGION A TRUE, DIVINELY REVEALED PHILOSOPHY whose ultimate goal was piety toward God. In terms of its basic structure, this was exactly how Lactantius wished to present Christian thought. It is no surprise, then, that Lactantius maintained a positive view of Hermes. HERMES WAS AN AUTHORITATIVE EGYPTIAN SAGE AND THEOLOGIAN WHO PREACHED CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY BEFORE CHRIST. In part to confirm this portrait of Hermes, the Latin orator transcribed quotations in which Hermes affirmed the unity of God, the unknowability (hence namelessness) of God, the creation of the world, humanity made in God’s image, and the procession of the Word (or Logos). Speaking generally, Lactantius remarked that Hermes Thrice Great “said everything about God the father and much about the son which is contained in the divine secrets.” (Lactantius, Divine Institutes, 4.27.19. In context, Lactantius indicates that Hermes gained his knowledge through necromancy). Although Lactantius read Hermes with Christian eyes, feeding Hermetic thought through the grinder of a preconceived Christian theology, at the same, however, he opened himself to significant influence from Hermetic thought. HE SHOWED THAT HERMETIC AND CHRISTIAN THOUGHT WERE FUNDAMENTALLY COMPATIBLE, an idea that would have a long history. Lactantius indicates how highly this Egyptian sage was viewed among educated writers in the early fourth century. The respect for Hermes as a prophet of Christian truth continued far into the Middle Ages and in part explains why Byzantine scholars collected and preserved what we call the Corpus Hermeticum. Importantly, Lactantius quoted a number of texts later incorporated into the Corpus Hermeticum.: CH 10.5 in Divine Institutes 1.11.61; CH 9.4 in Divine Institutes 2.15.6 and 5.14.11; CH 12.23 in Divine Institutes 6.25.10; CH 16.15–16 in Divine Institutes 2.15.7. He is also the first writer to cite the Logos Teleios or «Perfect Discourse». Lactantius knew this work in Greek and translated parts of it. The «Perfect Discourse» was later fully rendered into Latin by an unknown translator. Lactantius quoted Asclepius 8 (Divine Institutes 4.6.4), Asclepius 11 (Divine Institutes 7.9.11), Asclepius 25 (Divine Institutes 2.15.8), Asclepius 26 (Divine Institutes 4.6.9; 7.18.3–4; Epitome of the Divine Institutes 66.6), Asclepius 28 (Divine Institutes 2.14.6); Asclepius 29 (Divine Institutes 2.15.6); Asclepius 41 (Divine Institutes 6.25.10–11). According to Claudio Moreschini, Lactantius also had access to another Hermetic treatise akin to the doctrine of Plato’s Timaeus. Many other Christian writers, including Augustine, Campanella, and Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, as well as Giordano Bruno, considered Hermes Trismegistus to be a wise pagan prophet who foresaw the coming of Christianity. They believed in the existence of a prisca theologia, a single, true theology that threads through all religions. It was given by God to man in antiquity and passed through a series of prophets, which included Zoroaster and Plato. In order to demonstrate the verity of the prisca theologia, Christians appropriated the Hermetic teachings for their own purposes.

Sachgebiete: Inkunabeln, Miniaturbücher, Occulta, Theologie

7500,- EUR



ARISTOTELES-GOMETIUS HISPANUS (also called GOMES DE LISBÔA). Quaestio de cuiuscumque scientiae subiecto. [TOGETHER WITH:] ARISTOTELES- PSEUDO DUNS SCOTUS. Quaestiones super libris De anima Aristotelis. [Pavia: Antonio de Carcano, about 1490 or 1492]. 2 parts in a volume in-folio (287 x 195 mm), 18th century full stiff vellum, ff. [28]. Text in Latin on 2 columns, Gothic types 6:150G, 7:83G, 55-56 lines. VERY RARE PAVIA IMPRINT, CONTAINING THE FIRST EDITION OF GOMES DE LISBÔA DEFENSE OF DUNS SCOTUS AND THE EDITIO PRINCEPS OF DUNS SCOTUS’S COMMENTARY OF ARISTOLE’S TREATISE «ON THE SOUL». 1. FIRST AND ONLY EDITION of the only printed work by Gomes de Lisbôa, a defense of Duns Scotus against Nicoletto Vernia (1420-99), famous Paduan averroist, on the nature of science. The Quaestio perutilis is divided into three parts: in the first the author gives the general conditions of the subject of science (and enumerates eight of them), and then, in the second part, their application to the philosophy of nature. The third part is devoted to the division of the sciences, following the idea that there can be only one science of a same essence according to the same formal reason. GOMES DE LISBÔA (d. 1513), general of the Franciscans in 1511, after his training in Paris taught in Padua, Venice and Pavia where Antonio de Carcano published his work. He illustrated himself as a philosopher and a theologian of Scotistic inspiration. 2. EDITIO PRINCEPS of this commentary, attributed to Duns Scotus, of Aristotle’s «On the soul», a major treatise of the Greek philosopher. The topic is the kinds of souls possessed by different living things, distinguished by their operations. Thus Plants have the capacity for nourishment and reproduction, the minimum that must be possessed by any kind of living organism; Animals have, in addition, the powers of sense-perception and self-motion (action) and Humans have all these as well as intellect. JOHN DUNS, commonly called DUNS SCOTUS (1266–1308), is generally considered to be one of the three most important philosopher-theologians of the High Middle Ages. He has had considerable influence on both Catholic and secular thought and received the schola-stic accolade Doctor Subtilis («Subtle Doctor») for his penetrating manner of thought.

Sachgebiete: Inkunabeln, Philosophie, Physik

6500,- EUR



LOPEZ DE CARVAJAL, BERNARDINO. Sermo in commemoratione victoriae Bacensis. [Rome, Stephan Plannk, ca. 1493]. 4to (208x32 mm), 17th century vellum from a Spanish manuscript, ff. [12, the last is blank]. Text in Latin, Roman type 10:108R. 28 lines. Woodcut head-letter. Signature: a-b8. EXCEPTIONALLY RARE FIRST AND SOLE EDITION OF THIS SERMON DELIVERED IN 1490 IN PRAISE OF THE CELEBRATED SPANISH VICTORY OVER THE MOORS AT BAZA DURING THE GRANADA WAR. This sermon was part of an intensive Spanish propaganda campaign against Moors in Rome. It was delivered by Cardinal Carvajal at a Mass of Thanksgiving in the church of Santa Maria del Popolo (4 January 1490); six days later he gave a speech in the church of Santiago de los Españoles justifying the campaign against the Moors. The force of his arguments were felt in the Latin drama Historia Baetica (1493) by Carlo Verardi, and the heroic poem by Paolo Pompilio Panegyris de Triumpho Granatensi dedicated to him in 1490. The Granada War (Spanish: Guerra de Granada) was a series of military campaigns between 1482 and 1491, during the reign of the Catholic Monarchs Isabella I of Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon, against the Nasrid dynasty’s Emirate of Granada. It ended with the defeat of Granada and its annexation by Castile, ending all Islamic rule on the Iberian peninsula. In 1489, the Christian forces began a painfully long siege of Baza, the most important stronghold remaining to the Emir al-Zagal. Baza was highly defensible as it required the Christians to split their armies, and artillery was of little use against it. Supplying the army caused a huge budget shortfall for the Castilians. Occasional threats of deprivation of office were necessary to keep the army in the field, and Isabella came personally to the siege to help maintain the morale of both the nobles and the soldiers. After six months, al-Zagal surrendered, despite his garrison still being largely unharmed; he had become convinced that the Christians were serious about maintaining the siege as long as it would take, and further resistance was useless without the hope of relief, of which there was no sign. THE CAPTURE OF BAZA BY THE FORCES OF THE CATHOLIC MONARCHS WAS A DECISIVE VICTORY TOWARDS THE END OF THE Reconquista WHICH CULMINATED IN CASTILIAN TROOPS ENTERING THE ALHAMBRA ON 1 JANUARY 1492. BERNARDINO LOPEZ DE CARVAJAL (1456-1523) was a Spanish cardinal, ambassador at the papal court for the Spanish crown. Their Catholic Majesties sent him as Spanish ambassador to Pope Alexander VI, by whom he was made Cardinal of Sts. Peter and Marcellinus in 1493, which title he exchanged in 1495 for that of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme. In spite of this rapid advancement and his numerous benefices he is best remembered as the leading spirit of the schismatical Council of Pisa (1511), subservient to the excommunicate Louis XII of France. Moroni says that he went so far as to accept the office of Antipope Martin VI at Milan where the Council was soon transferred; and Reumont says that in Pisa he was known to the urchins of the street as «Papa Bernardino». Both Carvajal and his colleagues were excommunicated by Julius II, and deposed from their offices, which act of the pope was confirmed by the Fifth Lateran Council (1512). At the seventh session (1513) of this council the Italian cardinals, Carvajal and Sanseverino, separated from their two French colleagues, formally renounced the schism, and were restored by Pope Leo X to their offices.

Sachgebiete: Geschichte, Inkunabeln, Islam, Spanien

7800,- EUR



MEHMED II (محمد ثانى said لفاتحﺍ the «Conqueror»). Epistolae Maumetis Turcor[um] Imperatoris ad diversos pri[n]cipes. [TOGETHER WITH:] DIOGENES CYNICUS. Epistolae Diogenes Cynici Philosophi Acutissimi [TOGETHER WITH:] MARCUS BRUTUS. Epistolae M. Bruti: quas graece conscripsit quum ipse & Cassius mortuo caesare cum dolobella pro Syria: Asiaq[ue] prouinciis sibi per senatum decretis: bellum gerunt [TOGETHER WITH:] HIPPOCRATES. Hippocrates Choi medicorum principis epistolae. [Venice: Otinus de Luna Papiensis, about 1500]. 4to (195 x 140 mm), modern limp vellum with handwritten title at spine, ff. 46 (in Roman numerals). Text in Latin, Roman type R107, 31 lines. VERY SCARCE FIRST EDITION OF A COLLECTION OF PSEUDONYMOUS LETTERS, CONTAINING THE FORGED LETTERS OF MAHOMET II, EMPEROR OF TURKS. Laudivio Zacchia (fl. 1473), an Italian poet and tragedian, knight of the Order of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem, declares at leaf 12r to be the translator of Mahomet’s Letters, but indeed he was the actual author. In this collection, the Florentines and the Turks are represented as only friendly terms, exchanging gifts and benefits, while the Turks and the rest of European exchange threats and insults. But, why Zacchia forged Mehmed’s letters? According to Tateo, later Neapolitan historiography routinely accused the Florentines of inviting the Turk in Italy in 1480. Indeed, the Florentines under Cosimo de’ Medici were officially in favor of crusade and against the Turk; but under Lorenzo il Magnifico, Florentine policy took a decided —though covert— pro-Turkish tilt. The Florentines were one of the powers that had done well out the fall of Costantinople; the Turks had favored their designs to break into the Levantine trade hitherto controlled by the Venetians and Genoese. In the Italian war following the Pazzi conspiracy of 1478, Lorenzo was hard pressed by Alfonso of Aragon until the Turks landed at Otranto in 1480. Lorenzo was deeply grateful to Mehmed for his timely intervention and had a medal struck in his honor designed by his favorite medalist, Bertoldo di Giovanni. It was also probably a sign of his gratitude to Mehmed that he had one of his humanist protégés, Francesco Berlinghieri, send presentation copies of his Geographia to Mehmed and to his sons, Bayezid and the captive prince Djem. There is some evidence that Lorenzo exchanged intelligence reports with the sultan in return for trading privileges; he may also have plotted to return Prince Djem to Sultan Bayezid II. But though Lorenzo cloaked in secrecy all his dealings with the Great Turk, he could not prevent rumors from circulating. It was widely believed that he had been responsible for inviting the Turk in Italy in 1480. Thanks to Lorenzo’s fame as a philoturk, Florence further enhanced its existing reputation for greed and impiety. MEHMED II (Ottoman Turkish: محمد ثانى, also known as el-Fātiḥ, الفاتح, “the Conqueror” in Ottoman Turkish; in modern Turkish, Fatih Sultan Mehmet; also called Mahomet II in early modern Europe) (1432–1481), was an Ottoman sultan who ruled first for a short time from August 1444 to September 1446, and later from February 1451 to May 1481. At the age of 21, he conquered Constantinople (modern-day Istanbul) and brought an end to the Byzantine Empire. Mehmed continued his conquests in Anatolia with its reunification, and in Southeast Europe as far west as Bosnia. Being a highly regarded conqueror and caliph of Islam, Mehmed is considered a hero in modern-day Turkey and the Muslim world. Mehmed was reputed fluent in several languages, including Turkish, Arabic, Hebrew, Persian, Greek and Latin. At times, he assembled the Ulama, or learned Muslim teachers, and caused them to discuss theological problems in his presence. In his reign, mathematics, astronomy, and Muslim theology reached their highest level among the Ottomans. Mehmed himself was a poet writing under the name «Avni» (the helper, the helpful one) and he left a divan (a collection of poems in the traditional style of classical Ottoman literature). In addition, other letters of the philosopher Diogenes, the physician Hippocrates and of Marcus Brutus, Julius Caesar’s adoptive son and killer. Diogenes’s Epistles were translated from Greek by Francesco Griffolini; Hippocrates’s letters were translated from Greek by Rinuccio Aretino.

Sachgebiete: Geschichte, Inkunabeln, Islam, Türkei

8000,- EUR



MARCO ANTONIO COCCIO called SABELLICO. Decades Rerum Venetarum. Venice: Andrea Torresani de Asula for Marco Antonio Sabellico, 21 May 1487. Folio (335x238), later stiff vellum with handwritten title at spine, ff. [248]. Text in Latin, Roman type, 48 lines. FIRST AND ONLY INCUNABULUM OF SABELLICO’S HISTORY OF VENICE, CONSIDERED ONE OF THE MOST BEAUTIFUL BOOK PRINTED IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. Marco Antonio Coccio, called Sabellico, wrote this monumental account on the History of Venice in 1485, and asked the privilege to privately publish his work on September 1486, choosing for printing the book Andrea Torresano, who printed on his own at Venice from about 1475 until 1508, when he entered into partnership with Aldus, who had become his son-in-law in 1505. For this immense effort, Sabellico earned the post of keeper at the Biblioteca Marciana in Venice. Dibdin: «If the lover of fine and and legible printing wishes for a specimen of one of the choicest productions of the XVth century, let him lose no opportunity of obtaining the present impression, when a reasonable hope of its possession is held out to him. Nor is the work less intrinsically valuable than its exterior form is inviting and magnificent. It has been by such splendid and useful productions, that the earlier annals of the press have acquired such general celebrity. A nobler book cannot grace the shelves of any collection». Hoepli: «Prima edizione, e la sola fa fatta nel sec. XV; magnifico monumento di tipografia e che fa grande onore ad Andrea d’Asola suocero di Aldo Manuzio […]. Questa cronaca è interessante anche per la storia dell’introduzione della tipografia in Italia, che il Sabellico (Deca III, Lib. viii) stabilisce circa il tempo della morte de Doge Malipiero (1462), e per lo speciale ricordo che fa del Jenson. Nella Deca IV, Lib. iii si trova la relazione della vittoria riportata dal corsaro Colombo il giovine, data come nepote dell’altro famoso corsaro Colombo, sopra le quattro galee veneziane nel mare di Spagna (Agosto 1485), relazione che fu usata più tardi da Fernando Colombo per provare la discendenza di suo padre Cristoforo dai due suddetti navigatori».

Sachgebiete: Geschichte, Inkunabeln

7500,- EUR


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